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La democracia que supimos conseguir

A 40 años de la asunción de Cámpora al Gobierno (y Perón al poder), recuperamos otro sentido del 25 de mayo. Aquí, las vueltas de la democracia en un informe exclusivo. 

Por Mauricio Villafañe*

Se suele estar de acuerdo con que la “vuelta a la democracia” es una y se dio en octubre de 1983 con las elecciones que consagraron a Raúl Alfonsín, el último gran líder radical. Sin embargo es posible pensar en un par de “vueltas” más. Pero, para llegar a eso, primero hay que definir cuándo “llegó” la democracia para luego “irse” y poder “volver”. Y acá hay más certezas: si desechamos los años de “democracia simulada” del régimen fraudulento y oligárquico (1852- 1912), hay que reconocer que en 1916 con Hipólito Yrigoyen “nace” la democracia efectiva, real, en nuestro país. Elecciones limpias y abiertas que llevan a la presidencia al histórico líder popular radical.

De esta forma afirmamos, tras este hito fundamental, que la democracia “volverá” dos veces más antes de llegar al retorno definitivo de 1983: primero, en 1946, tras la larga década infame del conservadurismo y con Perón a la cabeza y, en segundo lugar, en 1973, hace 40 años.

El famoso sol del 25 asomó entonces para la democracia argentina, asomó para el peronismo combativo y resistente y para Héctor J. Cámpora presidente. Atrás quedaban largos y duros años de proscripción, represión y ensayos autoritarios y semidemocráticos, donde el pueblo argentino vio caer a sus luchadores mientras el imperialismo y sus aliados oligárquicos internos se hacían con el control del país.

De la “libertad” de 1955 a los “azos” del ‘69

La raíz de toda esta historia la encontramos en un episodio que se erige como la contracara de la democracia: un golpe de Estado. En septiembre de 1955 es derrocado el gobierno constitucional de Perón en nombre de una “revolución” civil y militar, con horizontes “libertadores” y “democráticos”. Antes de esta irrupción “libertadora”, bombardearon, en junio, a civiles indefensos en Plaza de Mayo. Da un poco de cosa el concepto y el precio de “libertad” de los golpistas…

El peronismo es reprimido y proscripto, los sindicatos intervenidos, los que resistían eran encarcelados y hasta fusilados. No es en vano sugerir “Operación masacre” de Rodolfo Walsh para echar luz sobre este tema. Un infame decreto dictatorial se proponía prohibir la sola mención del nombre de Perón y Evita y todo lo referente con el peronismo. El colmo del absurdo en que se fundan las atrocidades políticas de las tendencias gorilas y antipopulares en nuestra historia.

Lo que sigue es el intento “formalmente” democrático (y militarmente tutelado) de Frondizi, también derrocado en medio del enfrentamiento militar entre “azules” y “colorados”. Illia, del radicalismo del pueblo y en un nuevo ensayo semidemocratico, anula los contratos petroleros con empresas trasnacionales e impulsa una ley de medicamentos claramente beneficiosa para la industria nacional. La “lentitud” que le achacan periodistas pro- militares como Mariano Grondona, los planteos militares y el desgaste que le traía la proscripción del peronismo lo terminan volteando en 1966. Un nuevo golpe de Estado, la autoproclamada “revolución argentina”.

Onganía hablaba de objetivos, no de plazos. Sus delirios mesiánicos de “salvación” del país, en pleno auge de la Guerra Fría y de la defensa del Occidente cristiano contra el comunismo “apátrida”, se combinan con un proyecto económico de corte liberal. Ponía el eje en la “racionalización” y en la “modernización” tanto en sectores de producción como de servicios (ingenios azucareros, puertos, ferrocarriles) y en la transferencia de recursos desde los trabajadores, los sectores medios y el empresariado nacional hacia los grandes capitales trasnacionales concentrados. Las consecuencias, entre otras, fueron el aumento de la desocupación y el quiebre de pequeñas y medianas empresas. Las otras “patas” de su “revolución” eran la represión creciente y la censura, mediante los bastones largos que abollan ideologías y cabezas en la Universidad y en distintos sectores de la cultura y la vida privada de los ciudadanos y ciudadanas.

La respuesta a la ilegitimidad de un gobierno que no votó nadie se irá dando en distintos planos, emergiendo así experiencias políticas que se pueden englobar bajo el rótulo de “nueva izquierda” y que incluyen al peronismo en su “tendencia” combativa o revolucionaria. En el mundo sindical, sectores disconformes con la conciliación de la burocracia con la dictadura fundan la CGT de los Argentinos. Al mismo tiempo se comienzan a desarrollar, en el interior primordialmente, corrientes sindicales de izquierda, que tendrán en Agustín Tosco, líder de la CGT y de la seccional de Luz y Fuerza en Córdoba, a su máximo referente.
Un soterrado y finalmente abierto estado de rebeldía e insurrección popular espontánea atraviesa el interior del país (Rosariazo y Cordobazo fundamentalmente), sacudiendo el inmovilismo y el autoritarismo de la dictadura y, finalmente, apurando los tiempos hasta terminar eyectando a Onganía del poder. Un tal Levingston se hace cargo de la cosa al tiempo que el país entra a los años 70 en un estado de convulsión y movilización inédito.

Lucha armada y violencia de los de abajo

Las organizaciones político- armadas son un elemento fundamental de este tiempo. En funciones operativas desde fines de los 60, condicionaban el devenir de la dictadura, golpeando y acumulando poder popular. Entre las variadas acciones que realizaron podemos hablar de propaganda armada (difundir comunicados de denuncia y análisis, reivindicaciones y posicionamientos), expropiaciones de armas y dinero, reparto de leche y juguetes en barriadas populares, tomas de ciudades, ajusticiamiento de represores o burócratas… Entre las organizaciones podemos destacar a las peronistas Fuerzas Armadas Peronistas (FAP), Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias (FAR) y Montoneros, y la marxista ERP (Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo).

Expresaban el nivel más alto, para el momento, de lucha política y de resistencia al régimen dictatorial en particular y al sistema en general, propiciando una salida revolucionaria y socialista mediante la lucha armada y el trabajo político en los “frentes de masas” (sindicatos, organizaciones estudiantiles, locales barriales). Frente a la violencia brutal y organizada desde arriba por los sectores dominantes la respuesta será la violencia popular, nacida al calor del hartazgo, la resistencia y la rebeldía pero también del compromiso social y político de buena parte de la sociedad argentina.

“Ya van a ver/ vamo´a volver/ todos unidos como en el ‘73”

Este escenario, de múltiples y complejos frentes, obliga a la dictadura a poner al frente a su mayor exponente, el general Alejandro Lanusse, y a poner en marcha el “tiempo político” por años postergado al convocar a un Gran Acuerdo Nacional (G.A.N.), nombre elegante que toma la salida electoral oficial en pos de descomprimir las tensiones acumuladas que la misma dictadura se fue generando. Al deterioro de la situación económica y social se la sumaba una creciente, constante y “perfeccionada” represión sobre la lucha y resistencia popular. Esto se puede ejemplificar en la llamada “masacre de Trelew” cuando 16 compañeros presos políticos son fusilados en la base naval Almirante Zar, en agosto de 1972.

La novedad que traía el lanussismo y su G.A.N. era el levantamiento de la proscripción del peronismo, esperando que, de esta forma, Perón condene el accionar de la guerrilla que actuaba en su nombre. Pero será el jefe del movimiento justicialista, desde su exilio en Madrid, quien disponga de los tiempos y formas en que el G.A.N. se cumplirá.

A tal fin relevará a Paladino, su conciliador delegado personal en el país, por Cámpora, leal militante peronista de la primera hora, y alentará a las llamadas “formaciones especiales” del Movimiento (las organizaciones político- armadas) a presionar y socavar el margen de maniobra del dictador y de su régimen.

La lucha popular no da tregua: la militancia y el compromiso rescatan y revalorizan la política, concretando el sueño de tantos años y de tanta sangre derramada bajo el lema de “Luche y Vuelve”: el retorno, en noviembre de 1972, de Juan Domingo Perón al país.

De ahí en más, los tiempos se ponen más vertiginosos aún: el lanzamiento del Frente Justicialista de Liberación (FREJULI), coalición de fuerzas que llevan la “bendición” del General y a Cámpora como candidato presidencial, y la intensa campaña electoral en el verano 1972- 1973, al ritmo de la Juventud Peronista y de su enorme capacidad de movilización y militancia, con vistas a marzo.

El triunfo, concretado en la asunción del 25 de mayo, ya ha pasado a la historia no sólo como un hito peronista más sino como una fiesta popular del conjunto del pueblo argentino. Se ponía en marcha un proyecto de reconstrucción y liberación nacional, finalmente trunco a partir de la muerte de Perón y el golpe de 1976.

Volviendo a mayo de 1973: la Plaza colmada, las banderas de miles de compañeros, la Rosada abierta al público, los milicos abucheados, silbados y echados. Un pueblo que no claudicó en la lucha por ver una Patria liberada, que vio a sus luchadores caer presos, asesinados, bombardeados, y siguió digno, resistente, organizado. Un pueblo que retomó sus banderas más gloriosas para llevarlas a la victoria en un no tan lejano y jubiloso 25 de mayo de hace 40 años.

*Estudiante del Profesorado de Historia de la UNLP.

(de la edición Nº 19, mayo 2013)

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